• Reporters attacked, harassed during Kampala unrest.
• Criminal cases pile up as high court considers constitutional challenge.
22: Criminal cases pending against Andrew Mwenda, a top political editor.
Violent protests broke out in Kampala in September when security forces blocked leaders of the traditional kingdom of the Baganda, Uganda’s largest ethnic group, from visiting Kayunga district for a planned rally, according to local news reports. More than 25 people were killed and 846 people arrested in two days of clashes that underscored political tensions between the government and the kingdom, according to official figures reported in the press.
ATTACKS ON
THE PRESS: 2009
• Main Index
AFRICA
Regional Analysis:
• In African hot spots,
journalists forced into exile
Country Summaries
• DRC
• Ethiopia
• Gambia
• Madagascar
• Niger
• Nigeria
• Somalia
• Uganda
• Zambia
• Zimbabwe
• Other developments
The Human Rights Network
for Journalists, a local press freedom organization, said it had documented
more than 20 cases in which security forces and rioters attacked or harassed
reporters, particularly photojournalists. In one case, plainclothes security
agents whisked away Nation TV Uganda journalist Tony Muwangala and forced him at gunpoint to delete footage taken
during the riots, Muwangala told CPJ. The same day, troops briefly detained at
gunpoint a team of Monitor journalists, according to the newspaper.
During the violence,
citizen journalists in Kampala and beyond provided real-time coverage of the
unfolding clashes, according to Global
Voices blogger Rebekah Heacock,
who specializes in access-to-information issues in East Africa. “Within 24
hours of the first violence, volunteers in Kampala launched Uganda Witness, a crisis reporting site,” which published 45 separate SMS
text-message reports of violence in four days, Heacock wrote on the CPJ Blog.
Using Twitter, Kampala Web developer Solomon King and journalist Tumwijuke
Mutambuka posted information on where rioters and security forces were
gathering and which journalists had been detained. Heacock attributed the
significant real-time coverage to “increased availability of the Internet and
Internet-connected mobile phones.”
Within hours of the
rioting, agents of the government-run Uganda Broadcasting Council, often backed
by troops, disabled the transmission equipment of the Buganda
kingdom-controlled Central Broadcasting Service (CBS), vernacular talk station
Radio Two, which is commonly referred to as Akaboozi, Catholic Church-run Radio
Sapientia, and commercial, youth-oriented Ssubi FM. The Buganda kingdom is the
largest of several traditional kingdoms in Uganda that have largely cultural
roles, but remain politically influential.
In a statement, Council
Chairman Godfrey Mutabazi accused the stations of inciting violence and
breaching “minimum broadcasting standards.” The council lifted the ban on
Sapientia a few days later and Akaboozi in November, but revoked the licenses
of two CBS stations and indefinitely banned popular radio talk shows commonly
known as “bimeeza,” for alleged technical shortcomings. Six presenters were
banned from the air for breaching unspecified “minimum broadcasting standards.”
Herbert Mukasa Lumansi,
vice president of the Uganda Journalists Association, condemned the station
closings, but said there was “a lot of unprofessionalism because some radio
stations are using DJs or relatives without qualifications to moderate
programs.” Authorities exploited this perception at politically convenient
times. In August, President Yoweri Museveni lashed out at an audience of Uganda’s
National Association of Broadcasters, accusing journalists of unethical
reporting. “You mostly lie and incite,” he said, according to the state-run
daily New Vision. “I have so much evidence to prove all this.”
The administration said it would take “very serious” steps against media
outlets seen as inciting public discontent with the government, he added.
While radio stations
offered forums for free expression, they lagged behind newspapers and
television in current affairs coverage, according to Rachel Mugarura Mutana,
head of the independent Uganda Radio Network. The more than 40 radio stations
in Uganda, a majority of which were owned by political figures with ties to
power, produced mostly music and religious programming due to financial constraints,
she said.
Print and television
journalists continued to face police interrogations and arrests on charges of
defamation, sedition, and “promoting sectarianism,” even though trial judges
have stayed the prosecution of such cases while the Supreme Court considers a
constitutional challenge. Andrew Mwenda, editor of The Independent and a 2008 recipient of CPJ’s International
Press Freedom Award, and the East African Media Institute have argued that
penal code provisions on sedition, sectarianism, and criminal defamation
contravene Article 29 of Uganda’s constitution, which guarantees free speech
and free press. The case, first brought in 2002, remained pending in late year.
Mwenda, who already faced
21 separate criminal counts in connection with critical coverage dating to his
years as a journalist with Monitor, was charged again with sedition in September.
This time, a magistrate charged Mwenda and Editor-in-Chief Charles Bichachi in
connection with a cartoon in their monthly newsmagazine The Independent. The cartoon spoofed Museveni’s decision to reappoint Badru
Kiggundu, chairman of Uganda’s electoral commission during the flawed 2006
presidential polls, to supervise the 2011 vote. The trial was indefinitely
suspended pending the outcome of the constitutional challenge, according to
defense lawyer Bob Kasango.
Another prominent
journalist was charged with six counts of sedition. Kalundi Robert Sserumaga, a commentator
on a weekly television show
on Wavah Broadcasting Services, was imprisoned for three days after harshly
criticizing Museveni’s policies, according to local journalists. The host of
the show, Peter Kibazo, told CPJ that security agents picked up Sserumaga after
the program on September 11 and threw him into the trunk of a car. Sserumaga was
eventually released on bail; his trial, too, was suspended pending the
constitutional challenge, according to local journalists.
The government targeted Monitor journalists for their critical coverage of sensitive topics. In
January, the paper quoted unnamed military sources criticizing Museveni’s
management of an international security operation against Joseph Kony, the
rebel leader of the Christian guerrilla Lord’s Resistance Army. In response,
the Ugandan
police Media Offences Department repeatedly
interrogated senior reporters Angelo Izama and Grace Matsiko on accusations of
endangering national security but did not charge them.
In August, the Monitor reproduced a presidential memorandum
discussing a new government policy on land and political rights in Uganda’s
oil-rich western region of Bunyoro. Government spokeswoman Kabakumba Matsiko
did not dispute the content, but accused the Monitor of misrepresenting the
memo “as if it was a final decision.” The paper published a correction shortly
afterward, acknowledging some errors in reproducing the memo, but a magistrate
charged Managing Editor David Kalinaki and Sunday Editor Henry Ochieng with
forgery, according to defense lawyer James Nangwala. The case was pending in
late year.
Two other Monitor journalists faced prosecution on various criminal charges linked
to their coverage of government affairs, according to CPJ research. In July, a
magistrate charged Monitor photojournalist Stephen Otage with trespassing;
he was arrested on the order of Inspector General of Government Faith Mwonda
after taking photographs of her outside a courthouse, according to local
journalists.
And in August, a
magistrate in the northern city of Gulu charged Monitor journalist Moses Akena with libel over a story reporting allegations
of local government corruption, according to defense lawyer Judith Oroma. The
Akena matter joined the long list of cases that were stayed pending a Supreme
Court ruling on the constitutionality of the charge.

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