• Amid partisan conflict, media owner is target of failed assassination.
• Heavily used lese majeste laws criminalize criticism of royal family.
2,000: Web sites blocked by government for violating lese majeste laws.
Thai media were caught in the middle of a political conflict that entered its fourth year of destabilizing antigovernment street demonstrations and tough government responses. Both sides in the conflict—supporters and opponents of exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra—threatened journalists, some of whom were openly aligned to factions taking part in the protest movements.
ATTACKS ON
THE PRESS: 2009
• Main Index
ASIA
Regional Analysis:
• As fighting surges,
so does danger to press
Maguindanao:
• Makings of a Massacre
Country Summaries
• Afghanistan
• Burma
• China
• Nepal
• North Korea
• Pakistan
• Philippines
• Sri Lanka
• Thailand
• Vietnam
• Other developments
On April 12, Prime
Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva’s government declared a state of emergency, a decree
that gave authorities the legal power to censor news considered a threat to
national security. The red shirt-wearing United Front for Democracy Against
Dictatorship (UDD), an antigovernment group that aimed to restore Thaksin to
power, had upped the ante by blockading traffic in the capital, Bangkok,
disrupting an Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit meeting, and
clashing violently with security forces.
The day after declaring a
state of emergency, the government blocked the UDD-aligned satellite news
broadcaster D Station, which had run live broadcasts of the UDD’s protests.
Thaksin had been making frequent video-link calls to D Station from exile in
Dubai in which he frequently urged his supporters to overthrow Abhisit’s
government in a “people’s revolution.” The government, citing national
security, moved to shut the station under the Internal Security Act.
Prime Minister’s Office
Minister Sathit Wongnongtoey ordered local satellite provider Thaicom to cut D
Station’s signal, and police raided the station’s offices atop a shopping mall
in Bangkok’s gritty Lad Phrao district. Sathit told local reporters that D
Station was targeted because it was “capable of causing chaos.” The government
also ordered three provincial community radio stations to close and blocked 71
Web sites the government saw as aligned with Thaksin. All were allowed to resume
operations when the state of emergency was lifted later that month.
UDD protesters also moved
against the media, threatening journalists from private and state-run news
sources whom they perceived as unsympathetic to their cause. Coinciding with
their ramped-up street protests in Bangkok, the UDD staged demonstrations in
front of several offices of Channel 11, operated by the government-run National
Broadcasting Services of Thailand. In several northeastern provinces, Channel
11 station managers were forced at times to stop their broadcasts.
On April 8, UDD protesters
in Bangkok hurled bottles and spat at reporters from television channels 3 and
7 for what they said was underreporting of the number of protesters attending a
mass rally staged by the UDD near Government House. Red-shirted protesters
surrounded Channel 3’s mobile broadcast unit and, threatening violence, forced
reporters to take sanctuary in a nearby Buddhist temple, according to the
English-language daily The Nation.
The next day, a UDD
supporter threw a homemade explosive device near the offices of Asia Satellite
Television (ASTV), a news station aligned with the People’s Alliance for
Democracy (PAD) protest movement that, since 2005, has campaigned against
Thaksin-led or -aligned governments. Nobody was hurt in the attack. Police
initially apprehended a suspect but were forced to release him after they were
surrounded by UDD protesters, according to The Nation.
When troops clashed with
protesters on April 13, local and foreign media were free to cover the melee.
State media reported there were no deaths in the clash, although more than 100
were reported injured. UDD leaders in Bangkok, and Thaksin from exile, claimed
in interviews with the BBC and CNN that many protesters had been shot, killed,
and hauled away in military trucks, and that state-run television stations were
complicit in a government cover-up.
International media and
wire service coverage of the clash, however, did not corroborate the assertions
of Thaksin and the UDD. Minister Sathit told local media in the aftermath of
the crackdown that the government had established a “war room” to counter
Thaksin’s claims to foreign media and was “watching some sections of the
foreign media” and would identify foreign reporters who had “damaged the
country.”
In a violent escalation,
the media owner, ASTV television commentator, and PAD co-leader Sondhi
Limthongkul was targeted for assassination April 17 as he traveled to his
morning television program. Two assailants forcibly stopped Sondhi’s vehicle
and fired more than 50 rounds during the pre-dawn attack. Sondhi survived but
underwent emergency surgery to remove bullet fragments from his skull and
shoulder.
Arrest warrants were
issued for two suspects—Army Sgt. Maj. Panya Srihera, a non-commissioned
officer at a Special Warfare Unit, and Police Cpl. Worawut Mungsanti—but they
had not been served by late year. Deputy National Police Chief Pol Thanee
Somboonsap told reporters that the investigation had been hindered by threats
to investigating officers, and by police officials who “act like spies” and
leak information.
Thailand’s monarchy was
drawn deeper into the country’s political conflict as concerns arose about
81-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s declining health and an uncertain royal
succession. Both sides to the power struggle professed loyalty to the crown.
Reporters, bloggers, academics, and Internet users all came under fire through
the expanded use of lese majeste (injured majestry) and other related laws that
criminalize criticism of the Thai royal family. Thailand’s lese majeste laws are among the harshest in the world, allowing for jail terms
of three to 15 years for guilty convictions.
Justice Minister Piraphan
Salirathavibhaga told reporters that he would consider toughening criminal
penalties for publishing online material critical of the royal family. The
Ministry of Information and Communications Technology claimed in mid-year to
have blocked more than 2,000 Web sites and 8,300 Web pages, including popular
message boards, because they allegedly violated lese majeste laws.
Former journalist and UDD
activist Daranee Charnchoengsilpakul was convicted in August on three counts of
lese majeste and sentenced to 18 years in prison for
anti-royal comments made during a public protest in 2007. Suwicha Thakor, an
oil rig engineer, was convicted and sentenced to 20 years in prison under the
2007 Computer Crimes Act for sending pictures over the Internet that pilloried
King Bhumibol Adulyadej and heir apparent Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn.
Suwicha’s sentence was commuted to 10 years after he pleaded guilty.
On March 6, a group of
Crime Suppression Division police officials raided the offices and arrested the
executive director of the popular online news site Prachatai. Chiranuch Premchaiporn was detained and interrogated by police
officials for several hours before being released on bail. She was charged in
April under national security-related Article 15 of the 2007 Computer Crime
Act, which effectively extended the crime of lese majeste to the
Internet, for postings made to a Prachatai
discussion board critical
of Queen Sirikit. Chiranuch was forced to reveal the poster’s identity and
faced a possible 50 years in prison on various charges, according to press
reports. The complaints were still under police investigation in late year.
Foreign correspondents and
publications also came under threat. BBC correspondent Jonathan Head faced
three separate lese majeste complaints filed by Police Lt. Col. Wattanasak
Mungkandee, who alleged Head’s reporting and public comments were critical of
the monarchy. Senior BBC editors held meetings in February with Prime Minister
Abhisit and former royalist premier Anand Panyarachun to seek a resolution to
the complaints. Head was reassigned to Turkey in July. The complaints were
still pending in late year.
In January, July, and
October, local distributors blocked editions of the U.K.-based magazine The Economist from entering the country because of articles commenting on the
royal family and the increased use of lese
majeste laws. In December 2008,
distributors blocked another edition of the magazine that included pointed
criticism of Bhumibol’s rule of more than six decades.
On June 30, Laksana
Kornsilpa, a private citizen and supporter of PAD causes, filed a lese majeste complaint against board members of the Foreign Correspondents
Club of Thailand. In her complaint, she claimed the club violated lese majeste laws by selling DVD copies of a 2007 speech at the club that
touched on the monarchy. The speech had been given by former journalist,
government spokesman, and UDD co-leader Jakrapob Penkair.
CPJ sent a letter in
January urging Abhisit to consider amending the country’s lese majeste laws. A similar letter signed by a group of 50 prominent
international scholars and dignitaries addressed to the prime minister and
released at the Foreign Correspondents Club in March also urged the government
to reform the country’s anti-crown laws. In meetings with journalists, Abhisit
acknowledged “problems” with enforcement of the laws. No immediate action was
taken to change the laws.

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