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STATE CONTROL OF THE MEDIA IN SINGAPORE
IS SO COMPLETE that few dare challenge the system and there is no longer
much need for the ruling party to arrest or harass journalists. Even foreign
correspondents have learned to be cautious when reporting on Singapore,
since the government has frequently hauled the international press into
court to face lengthy and expensive libel suits.
The ruling People's Action Party (PAP) controls most local media, through
its close ties with Singapore Press Holdings, whose newspaper monopoly ended
only in 2000, and through state ownership of most broadcast media. Strict
press licensing requirements make it impossible for independent newspapers
to emerge, and journalists have been taught to think of themselves not as
critics but as partners of the state in "nation-building."
Satellite television dishes are banned for all but a handful of users, and
cable television is a state monopoly. While the Internet has been censored
only half-heartedly, the government has been aggressive in promoting its
own sites to disseminate information about state policies and procedures.
In response to calls for more diverse media voices in the country, a handful
of new free tabloid newspapers were launched during the year. These publications,
which look but do not read like free alternative newspapers in the United
States, were also controlled by corporations affiliated with the government.
In an apparent effort to create the illusion of free competition, Singapore
Press Holdings received permission to run TV and radio stations. This was
hardly a risky move for the government, since the company's chief executive
used to head the Singapore internal security agency, and its board chairman
is an ex-cabinet minister and close confidant of former prime minister Lee
Kuan Yew. Meanwhile, the state-owned broadcasting giant Media Corporation
of Singapore, was awarded a license to publish one of the free newspapers,
Today. In August, The Straits Times, Singapore's leading daily,
described this shuffling of a stacked deck as a "newspaper war."
Previously, public speaking without a license was banned everywhere in the
country. In September, authorities allowed a Hyde Park-style Speaker's Corner
to open in a local park. There seemed to be little public interest in the
handful of eager speakers at the new venue, however.
Lee Kuan Yew, the architect of what many critics have called Singapore's
"nanny state," remained the object of fawning praise in local media. In
a volume of memoirs published in October, Lee argued that the authoritarian
system he created, which closed independent newspapers and jailed some journalists
after independence in 1959, was more responsive to the needs of his people
than the flawed democracies in other Asian countries.
"I said I did not accept that a newspaper owner had the right to print whatever
he liked," Lee wrote of a 1971 appearance at the International Press Institute's
annual assembly in Helsinki. "Unlike Singapore's ministers, he and his journalists
were not elected. My final words to the conference were: 'Freedom of the
press, freedom of the news media, must be subordinated to the overriding
needs of Singapore, and to the primacy of purpose of an elected government.'"
In 2000, this unfortunate view continued to guide Singapore's media policy.
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